Watt 1991

Watt, Tessa. Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.

popular culture -- Peter Burke: asymmetrical definition of great vs. little; Bob Scribner: popular culture as total, unified culture (2)

"this idea that the broadsides and chapbooks were aimed at and consumed by a definable social group may be a myth" (3)

Chartier, "consumption" -- representations never identical to those introduced by the producers of the works (4)

"Before 1640, it is likely that a large proportion of the buyers were drawn from the middling ranks of yeomen, husbandmen and tradespeople, and that even gentry readers were not uncommon. If publishers did increasingly 'target' humbler readers, this should not necessarily be seen as a divisive phenomenon. Cheap print in this period was just as likely to be an instrument of social cohesion, as more people were brought into the reading public, and as stories, images and values permeated the multiple tiers of English society. This 'shared culture' was disseminated along lines of communication which connected the country, both socially and geographically." (5)

unlike in France, some texts were accessible in all parts of England (5-6)

"If we are to choose a metaphor from the chapman's pack, print was more like the 'scotch cloth' or 'coarse linen', sold by the yard, to be made into something by the buyer. In the parlance of the new cultural history, we should not look at print in isolation, but at how it was 'appropriated'." (6)

The Broadside Ballad

Small and popular music

"one of the first widespread and widely affordable forms of the printed word was the song" (11)

ballads -- performed as part of minstrelsy, dance, theatrical jigs, three-man-songs, and other recreational forms now extinct (13)

minstrel: living based on performance, accompanied by instruments; broadside ballad singer-and-seller, dependent on the printed artifact (16)

MS Ashmole 48, commonplace book copied largely from broadsides; "Such commonplace books show that the broadside was familiar amongst the most 'elite' groups of sixteenth-century society, yet, at the same time, suggest an ambivalent attitude to print. Rather than pasting the broadsides in, the songs were copied out longhand, 'as if the action of writing were a condition of personal appropriation'. This act transformed an ephemeral, commercial produt into a private or household possession, preserved for posterity in a bound volume." (17)

"Epitaphs of nobility and gentry make up a substantial proportion of surviving sixteenth-century broadsides. With the growing importance of the printed word, it was no longer enough for a death to be marked by an oral tribute from the household's minstrel: now there was apparently a desire to have this eulogy legitimized in print, and distributed in broadside form." (20)

high mobility among minstrels and waits; "the songs they performed were disseminated to all corners of England" (22)

broadside ballad seller, using his voice to sell printed text (23); "There was no question of just setting the ballad sheets out in a stall like books; they were written for oral performance." (24)

"we should think of a national market for cheap print, and not merely a metropolitan area" (28)

brief period at the end of 17c, "a small percentage of broadside ballads included music" (33)

"Incidents recording the use of popular songs for insult and gossip show a creative attitude towards ballads: the people who sang them were not the passive conduits of a fixed tradition. When studying broadside texts it is worth bearing in mind the myriad ways in which they may have been dramatized, localized and personalized by the singers." (37)

"With the dissemination of fixed printed texts came an emphasis on specific facts, dates and places which is a feature of broadside balladry and not of 'traditional' oral ballads." (37)

A godly ballad to a godly tune

"By 1624 it was commonplace to situate the ballads in cultural oppostiion to the Bible; to portray them as an alternative sort of religion." (39)

"The first generation of Protestant reformers in ENgland made no sharp break with pre-Reformation attitudes to traditional recreations. Their ballads, metrical psalms, interludes and martyrologies were all attempts to appropriate pre-Reformation cultural forms in the service of Protestantism, and as such have been well studied by literary historians." -- writing of godly ballads "on the wane by the middle of Elizabeth's reign" (41)

"From 1557, we have the first Stationers' Company Register, in which copies of all books and ballads were supposed to be entered. This registration served two functions: as a record of the licensing of the production and as evidence of the publisher's copyright." (43)

decline in religious ballads in Stationers' Register; see graphs on 48-9

"There seems to have been no sense of contradiction about printing bawdy ballads together with calls to repentance." (51) -- publishers adjusted religious opinions easily

"The writers were not a separate breed of journalists, but came from a cross-section of respectable professions." (52) -- merchant tailors, silk-weavers, dramatists

desertion of ballad by educated elite was not purely on moral grounds; "The ballads did continue to gain in popularity with singers and buyers, but their rejection as poetry in literary circles cannot but have affected the educated Protestant gentlemen, clergymen and professionals who once put their pens to religious ballads. The religious reaction against certain aspects of 'pupular culture' coincided with a changing 'Renaissance' aesthetic, and the two movements were inextricably intertwined." (54)

The 1624 stock

"The decline of godly ballad writing coincided with changes in the structure of the broadside ballad trade. These developments were not unrelated. To expand the market, the publishers needed to organize themselves properly for distribution, to which end a syndicate was created. The success of the 'ballad partners' at infiltrating rural musical culture, by way of an increasing number of vagrant ballad sellers, could only have exacerbated the objections of reformers. Meanwhile, as ballad writing went out of style in educated Protestant circles, this may have encouraged the publishers' tendency to rely increasingly on the reproduction of old favourites for their godly stock. This continual reprinting gained its own momentum, as the audience apparently came to demand the familiar ballads in a familiar format." (74)

new emphasis on marketing strategy -- woodcut pictures become standard features (not the norm in 16th century -- only 1/5 of surviving religious ballads are illustrated, c.f.'d with 5/6 in 17c) (78)

tunes beginning to be named directly, on rougly 4/5 of surviving broadsides (79-80); 17c ballad more firmly established as song, as opposed to something to be read or looked on

17c broadsides, "authors were never named," with exceptions for popular names or named author as narrator or character of the ballad, sometimes fabricated (80-1)

"With these exceptions, the standard ballad of the early 17c went into the world authorless. The original names attached to the 'stock' ballads were simply dropped off the broadsides as the copyright changed hands. What had once been an author's medium -- a vehicle for propaganda and personal opinion, or for building a popular reputation as a storyteller -- was now a publisher's medium, governed by time-tested commercial dictates. This authorlessness may signify an important change in attitude: the ballad was not an individual creation but a piece of public property, known to an increasingly broad public." (81)

mid-Elizabeth's reign, ballad "abandoned as a vehicle for Protestant reform", but didn't signal demise of godly ballad (81); stock went into control of group of specialist publishers

"overhwelming majority of these polemical ballads were vehicles for a nationalistic Protestantism, and its corollary, anti-Catholicism" (88)

48 women included in Foxe's list of 358 Henrician and Marian martyrs (90)

"A godly new ballad, intituled, A dozen of poynts" (entered 1624), Euing no. 126. -- representation of material object, the thread "points" used to sew together garments; "The gift is small, a Douzen of Points, whereiwth I'd wish you knit your joynts." (102)

"St Bernard's vision" -- "powerful argument for the continuity of a medieval religious outlook well into the early modern period"; earliest extant copy from 1640 (111)

tolling of bells "formed a background to daily life in every town", aural memento mori; comparing bell of watchman doing nightly rounds to death bell (113)

"gospelling movement" of 1550s, 60s; psalms targeted for metrical paraphrase

William Samuel, rhyming Pentateuch, wants to inspire people who hear part to read the whole (115) -- c.f. Herbert

most popular Old Testament ballads in the stock "were those involving a beautiful young woman, shown to be either a paragon of virtue, or inconstant and deceitful, or unwittingly the cause of men's destruction" -- c.f. with contemporaneous amateur pictorial embroidery of de Jode prints (117)

"There was a tendency to add a moral tag at the end of these ballads. This is one of the standard features which often distinguishes broadside texts from versions of the same song collected orally." (119)

The Broadside Picture

Idols in the frontispiece

"Broadside ballads were probably among the first printed texts to reach the cottages of artificers and husbandmen, some time in the late 16th or early 17th centuries. However, the cottage walls of a hundred years earlier may already have been decorated with another kind of printed objects, which was more pictorial than textual. The devotional images of the church could be taken home in the form of cheap single-sheet woodcuts like Plate 9. These pre-Reformation 'images of pity' contained few or no words, but spoke the complex language of saints' emblems and pictorial conventions (here, the instruments of the passion) which the medieval audience had learned to 'read'. The twenty-seven examples of 'images of pity' known to survive may represent thousands of paper images of Christ, Our Lady and various saints, which were for sale at cathedrals and shrines." (131)

no large-scale evidence of attempt to replace 'images of pity' with Protestant teachings (131-2)

"Craftsmen of all kinds copied elaborate designs from emblem books, or from pattern books like the 'Booke of sundry draughtes for glasiers, plasterers and gardiners' registered in 1627. The ladies who used A schole-house for the needle embroidered not only unicorns, peacocks, flowers and abstract designs, but scenes of Adam and Eve, the pelican in her piety, and even the crucifixion. At the humbler level which interests us here, we will see that even alehouse and cottage interiors were often rich with stained cloths and painted designs on the walls." (137)

"Singles sheets of paper were obviously the most flimsy products of the press: the survival rate is so low that for sixteenth-century broadside ballads we have now only some 300 examples remaining out of an estimated 3,000 distinct titles, representing perhaps 3 million separate copies. This translates to a survival rate of 1 in 10,000." (141)

excluding copper engravings from catalogue of "cheap prints" because of price

Peter Stent; bought plates from lesser artists, employed engravers as journeymen working at low rate by the hour or piece; larger scaler production than pre-1640; cheapest engraved prints in early 17c would cost around 6d., which puts them at the top of a range entailing "cheap prints"

print shops selling engravings -- "new phenomenon in the early 17c" (142)

"Jacobean upsurge in the woodcut trade" (147)

gaudy illustrated books; poem page 147-8; from John Hooper, in Robert Farlie, Lychnocausia (1638)

• rise in book illustration; "Few of the illustrations used on Elizabethan pamphlets were original, but in the early 17c a trend toward a closer relationship between image and text meant that woodcut were now commissioned for each occasion." (148)

Book of Martyrs, prized possession in wills of 17c; Table of the 10 Persecutions hung up as a print -- see Loades 1997 104, Baron et al. 2007

"The fact that reading required some education as a prerequisite could be used as an argument for allowing religious illustration in print. When Archbishop Laud was charged with permitting bibles with superstitious pictures to be sold, he claimed that 'they were not to be sold to all comeers, because they may be abused, and become evil; and yet might be sold to learned and discreet men, who might turn them to good.' This was a neat reversal of the view held a century earlier that pictures were 'laymen's books' especially for the unlearned and the illiterate." (160)

"The illustrated bibles provoked the indignation of 1,000 Londoners in the 1640 'Root and Branch Petition', which protested against 'Popish pictures both engraved and printed, and the placing of such in Bibles.'" (160)

Christus natus est broadside (1631) -- c.f. with Little Gidding Harmonies

• "In the 1631 broadside, the pre-Reformation traditions of the animals of the nativity, and the instruments of the passion, are combined with more contemporary elements. At the bottom right is an Epitaph of Christ, following the style of the broadside epitaphs produced by the London press. The left column is taken up with a history of Christ, which reads like a news-sheet narrative. The creator of the broadside has purposefully drawn on popular tabloid conventions, announcing the saviour's birth in the same way that one would annucned the sighting of a monstrous fish between Dover and Calais." (176)
• "'Christus natus est' is an artefact of the word-based information culture, yet at its centre is an image in the centuries-old tradition of Christian visual piety. This image might seem out of place in the context of Protestant 'iconophobia', yet it reflected an iconography which was still visible in village churches across the country." (176-7)